Megjelent a Magyar Forumban

Egyre nehezebb megallapitani, hogy
hogyan s mibol el ez az orszag, de az
mar tapinthato: ket oldalon. Az egyik
oldalon az egyre belterjesebb, sot egyre
inkabb atelier-ve valo politika es az elit
van, a mar egyre kevesebbeket erdeklo
belugyeivel, partjaival, bloffjeivel es
trukkjeivel, a masikon pedig a megis-
csak elo, lelegzo sokadalom, amely uj
utakat, letformakat keres maganak, te-
remtve es ugyeskedve, hallgatva es lat-
szolag kozonyosen.

Ez a megosztottsag realitas. Vesze-
lyes ? Most nem latszik annak, mert
mindket oldal a- maga bajaival van el-
foglalva. Kesobb azonban elfajulhat a
dolog, mert egy tarsadalom sem elhet
tartosan ketteszakitott allapotban, ugy,
hogy a nep nem ismeri el hitelesnek az
egesz politikai elitjet, ugy, hogy elturje:
minden hatalom annak a politikai
elitnek a kezeben van, ameyet nem is-
mer el.

Ma mindenki centrumnak hiszi ma-
gat, csakhogy ez a tarsadalom fuggole-
ges elrendezesu, tehat a kozepe csak az
lehet, ami folott is van valami, amivel
osszetartozik, meg alatta is. Am ha az
egyre nehezebben elo nemzeti keresz-
teny kozepreteg es a vegkepp lesullyed-
tek, a legalsok egyarant az elit vonal
alatt vannak, akkor az elitben, a partok-
ban nincs ertelme centrumrol beszelni,
mert minden part centrumahoz kell tar-
tozzek egy resz centrum az egeszb,l. Ez
pedig nincs igy.

A HALLGATAG TOBBSEG, a valodi
kozep most nem tartozik sehova. 90-ben
az MDF-hez tartozott, de mostanra ki-
huzodott alola. Nem allt at mashova. Az
egesz politikai felvilag a levegoben le-
beg, es akinek jok a sajtokapcsolatai,
annak mutat ki nagyobb tamogatottsa-
got a kozvelemeny-kutatas. De ez a gya-
korlatban fityfiritty.

Nem ismeretlen ez a ketteszakadas a
magyar tortenelemben, de meg eddig
mindig tragediahoz vezetett.

Az NDSZ-nek az elitben a legkisebb a
tamogatottsaga, az SZDSZ-nek a legna-
gyobb. Az MDF meg azt almodja, hogy
o a centrum es az is marad. Az MSZP
szivosan epitkezik, a legnagyobb fold-
alatti gyakorlattal rendelkezik. Mindma-
ig senki scm tudja, valojaban kik dol-
goznak nekik, s oket zavarja legkevesbe,
hogyha nincs valodi nepi tamogatottsa-
guk, mivel ezt megszoktak.

Eddig nagyjabol a hatterben elhataro-
zott modon tortentek a dolgok. (Ez nem
vadlo megallapitas.) Egyszer azonban
mas is fog tortenni. Maga a tortenelem
nem turi el a taviranyitast es a kiszami-
tottsagot. Egyszer csak jon a nep. Nem
valoszinu, hogy jot fog cselekedni, bol-
csen es celszeruen. Vegzetesen rosszat is
tehet, onmagaval is. Ezert nem kene ezt
megvarni.

Az eliten a sor, hogy jobb belatasra
terjen, engedjen, adjon le a hatalmabol,
es hagyja abba a kisajatitast.

Tisztelt Forum ! Ismeretes, hogy az Akademiai torveny 
"magantulajdont" szan az MTA-nak. Uramisten, csak nem az egesz 
Intezethalozatot akarjak feudalis latifundiumkent egy tollvonassal 
"atiratni"? "Jaj, nem kellett volna!" mondhatna valaki e bokezu (?) 
ajandekozas lattan.

Persze az is lehet, hogy kituno trukkrol van szo: mihelyst az MTA 
megkapna a magyar tudomany eszkoztarat (kicsit hasonlokeppen a 
media korabbi "atiratasahoz"), a kormanyzat kijelenthetne, hogy 
"Tamogatas megszunt, mostantol gazdalkodj okosan 
magantulajdonoddal!  Termelj piackepes, eladhato tudomanyt, elj 
boldogul, jo szerencset !" 
 
A baj csak az, hogy lehet hogy az MTA nem egeszen ezt erti az 
elkepzeles alatt, hanem hogy "Minel tobbet vesz a nyakaba a 
csodtomegbol, annal tobb alamizsnat fog tudni kikoldulni-kizsarolni a 
kormanyzattol - hiszen csak nem hagyja cserben a tudomanyt a 
kormanyzat!". 

Tisztazni kene tehat, ELORE, melyik valtozatrol van igazandibol szo! 

Miert? 

Mert NEM az akademikusok fogjak elveszteni (kozponti alapu 
miniszteri szintu juttatasukat), mihelyst kiderul a turpissag.  A Te 
borodre megy, Te leszel elbocsatva, kedves olvaso, (ha maris nem 
kulfoldre szorulva olvasod e sorokat).  Persze ha szelbe kell majd 
szorni a MARADEK otthoni kutatogardat (is), az igen jol johet a HIX-
nek. Az eddigi mondjuk otezerhez lesz majd meg tiz-tizenotezer. 
Igaz, hogy egy jodarabig, amig felocsudnak, kuka tudor lesz tulnyomo 
tobbseguk. De mihelyst felszinre bukkannak, es azon tul hogy 
gyerekeiket etessek talan me'g Forumozni is lesz idejuk (es mo'djuk), 
majd jol elvitatkozgatunk itt a cserebogar halhatatlansagarol.  

Alig varom.

A kovetkezo levelet kaptam otthonrol (ugy latszik, a megfelemlites 
valtozatlan):

"Kedves Andras!

Kerlek, vesd mar fel azt a kerdest, hogy -mikozben a sajto belehal a
szegenyek sajnalataba es a kormany tonkreteszi a TV-t- vajon azok 
a
hazaert rettego partatlan ujsagirok es TV-s fonokok vajon mennyit
vagnak zsebre? Mikor ugy drukkolnak a szegenyekert es szidjak azt a 
szocialisan erzeketlen kormanyt- mekkora fizetese van a TV
vezetoinek?  Mikor fogjuk mar ezt megtudni? - Beszelik, hogy tobb,
mint a minisztereknek, akiket a "nep" szid, hogy ok konnyen 
beszelnek es csinaljak az aremelest.  Aki tud valamit , kozolje!

U.I. nem akarok itthonrol nyiltan beleszolni a dologba, mert itt
rogton kiszurnanak."

Ismeretes, hogy potencialis vetelytars partszeru tomorulesekbe 
kormanyok nem nagyon szoktak latogatni engedni magas tisztsegu 
embereket. Talan ezert is volt oly keves MSZMP-vezeto vagy 
kormanytag a Lakitelki satorban, majd persze ugyanezert lett nulla 
MSZMP-s az MDF kormanyaban. Az ilyesfajta korai vedekezo 
dinamizmusok azonban sokszor atcsapnak egy "if you can't beat it, 
join it" jellegu akcioba. Egyszeru peldakent emlithetnem, hogy 
Marvin Minsky, az Artificial Intelligence atyamestere, kezdetben 
igen hevesen ellenezte a Neural Networks iranyzatot, mignem (ha jol 
emlekszem 1988-ban) amikor "plenary lecture"-re hivtuk meg a 
vilagkonferenciara San Diegoba, akkor a megjelent tobbezer 
szakertonek szemebe mondta, hogy "o talalta ki az egeszet".

Egyebkent szemely szerint meg vagyok gyozodve arrol, hogy a 
kormany mar csak azert sem kivan belefolyni a "Magyar Ut"-ba, 
mert szerintuk ok meg magyarabb uton jarnak.  Vagyis a "name of 
the game" az lett, hogy "ki a legmagyarabb magyar?". Lehet, hogy ezt 
tartotta celjaul Csurka, hogy "legyen magyarnak magyar az 
ellenzeke"? Ha igen, akkor ezt a celjat maris elerte.

Mivel tul sokaig az volt a "name of the game" hogy ki tudja jobban 
atverni a magyarsagot, a tatar, torok, Habsburg, nemet, szovjet, etc, 
ideje hogy az legyen a kerdes, melyik a legmagyarabb ut. Szerintem 
a nemzetnek ez tetszik, ha pl. ket  magyar csoport egymas hegyen-
hatan probalja kedvet keresni, hiszen ily modon vagy egy magyar 
gyoz, vagy egy magyar, esetleg ket magyar osszefogva, mihelyst 
kitisztul hogy egy neveto harmadik igyekszik kihasznalni ismet a 
tortenelem legregebbi politikai trukkjet, a "divide et impera"-t. E 
felismeres annal hamarabb tudatosodik, minel harsanyabban es 
minel jobban tullihegve kacarasznak, tul koran, akik neveto 
harmadikok akarnak lenni. 

Van egy olyan mondas is, hogy az nevet igazan, aki utoljara nevet. 
Nem jo tehat tullihegni mindig mindent, Csabika, csak lassan a testtel.

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       E X E C U T I V E   O F F I C E   O F   T H E   P R E S I D E N T



                             THE WHITE HOUSE

                      Office of the Press Secretary
______________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release                          February 22, 1993


                         REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
                          AND VICE PRESIDENT TO
                        SILICON GRAPHICS EMPLOYEES

                             Silicon Graphics
                      Mountain View, California


10:00 A.M. PST


	THE PRESIDENT:  First of all, I want to thank you all for the
introduction to your wonderful company.  I want to thank Ed and Ken --we
saw them last night with a number of other of the executives from Silicon
Valley -- people, many of them with whom I've worked for a good length of
time; many of whom the Vice President's known for a long time in
connection with his work on supercomputing and other issues.

	We came here today for two reasons, and since mostly we just want
to listen to you I'll try to state this briefly.  One reason was to pick
this setting to announce the implementation of the technology policy we
talked about in the campaign, as an expression of what we think the
national government's role is in creating a partnership with the private
sector to generate more of these kinds of companies, more technological
advances to keep the United States always on the cutting edge of change
and to try to make sure we'll be able to create a lot of good new jobs
for the future.

	The second reason -- can I put that down?  We're not ready yet
for this.  The second reason I wanted to come here is, I think the
government ought to work like you do.  (Applause.)  And before that can
ever happen we have to be able to get the people, the Congress, and the
press who have to interpret all this to the people to imagine what we're
talking about.

	I have, for example, the first state government in the country
that started a total quality management program in all the departments of
government, trying to figure out how we could reinvent the government.
And I basically believe my job as President is to try to adjust America
in good ways so that we can win in the 21st century, so that we can make
change our friend and not our enemy.

	Ed said that you plan your new products knowing they'll be
obsolete within 12 to 18 months, and you want to be able to replace them.
We live in an era of constant change.  And America's biggest problem, if
you look at it through that lens, is that for too many people change is
an enemy, not a friend.  I mean, one reason you're all so happy is you
found a way to make change your friend, right?  Diversity is a strength,
not a source of division, right?  (Applause.)  Change is a way to make
money, not throw people out of work, right?

	If you decentralize and push decisions made down to the lowest
possible level you enable every employee to live up to the fullest of
their ability.  And you don't make them -- by giving them a six-week
break every four years, you don't force them to make these sharp
divisions between your work life and your private life.  It's sort of a
seamless web.  These are things we need to learn in America, and we need
to incorporate even into more traditional workplaces.

	So I'd like to start -- we'll talk about the technology policy
later, and the Vice President, who had done so much work, will talk a lot
about the details at the end of this meeting.  But I just want to start
by telling you that one of our missions -- in order to make this whole
thing work we're going to have to make the government work differently.

	Example:  We cut the White House staff by 25 percent to set a
standard for cutting inessential spending in the government.  But the
work load of the White House is way up.  We're getting all-time record
telephone calls and letters coming in, and we have to serve our
customers, too.  Our customers are the people that put us there, and if
they have to wait three months for an answer to a letter, that's not
service.

	But when we took office, I walked into the Oval Office -- it's
supposed to be the nerve center of the United States -- and we found
Jimmy Carter's telephone system.  (Laughter.)  All right.  No speaker
phone, no conference calls, but anybody in the office could punch the
lighted button and listen to the President talk.  (Laughter.)  So that I
could have the conference call I didn't want but not the one I did.
(Laughter and applause.)

	Then we went down into the basement where we found Lyndon
Johnson's switchboard.  (Laughter.)  True story -- where there were four
operators working from early morning till late at night -- literally,
when a phone would come and they'd say, "I want to talk to the Vice
President's office," they would pick up a little cord and push it into a
little hole.  (Laughter.)  That's today -- right?

	We found procedures that were so bureaucratic and cumbersome for
procurement that Einstein couldn't figure them out, and all the offices
were organized in little closed boxes -- just the opposite of what you
see.

	In our campaign, however -- we ran an organization in the
presidential campaign that was very much like this.  Most decisions were
made in a great big room in morning meetings that we had our senior staff
in, but any 20-year-old volunteer who had a good idea could walk right in
and say, "here's my idea."  Some of them were very good and we
incorporated them.

	And we had a man named Ellis Mottur who helped us to put together
our technology policy who said -- he was one of our senior citizens; he
was in his 50s.  (Laughter.)  And he said, "I've been writing about high-
performance work organizations all my life.  And this is the first one
I've ever worked in and it has no organizational chart.  I can't figure
out what it looks like on paper, but it works."

	The Vice President was making fun of me when we were getting
ready for the speech I gave Wednesday night to the Congress; it was like
making sausage.  People were running in and out saying, put this in and
take this out.  (Laughter.)  But it worked.  You know, it worked.
(Applause.)

	So I want to hear from you, but I want you to know that we have
hired a person at the Office of Management and Budget who has done a lot
of work in creating new businesses and turning businesses around -- to
run the management part of that.  We're trying to review all these
indictments that have been issued over the last several years about the
way the federal government is run.  But I want you to know that I think a
major part of my missions is to literally change the way the national
government works, spends your tax dollars, so that we can invest more and
consume less and look toward the future.  And that literally will
require rethinking everything about the way the government operates.

	The government operates so much to keep bad things from happening
that there's very little energy left in some places to make good things
happen.  If you spend all your time trying to make sure nothing bad
happens there's very little time and money and human energy left to make
good things happen.  We're going to try to pare away a lot of that
bureaucracy and speed up the decision-making process and modernize it.
And I know a lot of you can help.  Technology is a part of that, but so
is organization and empowerment, which is something you've taught us
again today.  And I thank you very much.  (Applause.)

	We want to do a question and answer now, and then the Vice
President is going to talk in more detail about our technology policy
later.  But that's what we and Ed agreed to do.  He's my boss today; I'm
doing what he -- (laughter.)  So I wonder if any of you have a question
you want to ask us, or a comment you want to make.

	Yes, go ahead.

	Q	Now that Silicon Graphics has entered the supercomputer
arena, supercomputers are subject to very stringent and costly export
controls.  Is part of your agenda to review the export control system,
and can industry count on export regulations that will keep pace with
technology advances in our changing world?

	THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Let me start off on that.  As you may know,
the President appointed as the Deputy Secretary of Commerce John
Rollwagon who was the CEO at Cray.  And he and Ron Brown, the Secretary
of Commerce, have been reviewing a lot of procedures for stimulating U.S.
exports around the world.  And we're going to be a very export-oriented
administration.

	However, we are also going to keep a close eye on the legitimate
concerns that have in the past limited the free export of some
technologies that can make a dramatic difference in the ability of a
Gaddafi or a Saddam Hussein to develop nuclear weapons or ICBMs.
	Now, in some cases in the past, these legitimate concerns have
been interpreted and implemented in a way that has frustrated American
business unnecessarily.  There are, for example, some software packages
that are available off the shelves in stores here that are, nevertheless,
prohibited from being exported.  And sometimes that's a little bit
unrealistic.  On the other hand, there are some in business who are
understandably so anxious to find new customers that they will not
necessarily pay as much attention as they should to what the customer
might use this new capacity for.  And that's a legitimate role for
government, to say, hold on, the world will be a much more dangerous
place if we have 15 or 20 nuclear powers instead of five or six; and if
they have ICBMs and so forth.

	So it's a balance that has to be struck very carefully.  And
we're going to have a tough nonproliferation strategy while we promote
more exports.

	THE PRESIDENT:  If I might just add to that -- the short answer
to your question, of course, is yes, we're going to review this.  And let
me give you one example.  Ken told me last night at dinner that --he
said, if we export substantially the same product to the same person, if
we have to get one permit to do it we'll have to get a permit every time
we want to do the same thing over and over again.  They always give it to
us, but we have to wait six months and it puts us behind the competitive
arc.  Now, that's something that ought to be changed, and we'll try to
change that.

	We also know that some of our export controls, rules and
regulations, are a function of the realities of the Cold War which aren't
there anymore.  But what the Vice President was trying to say,
and he said so well -- I just want to reemphasize -- our biggest security
problem in the future may well be the proliferation of nuclear and
nonnuclear, like biological and chemical weapons of mass destruction to
small, by our standards, countries with militant governments who may not
care what the damage to their own people could be.  So that's something
we have to watch very closely.

	But apart from that, we want to move this much more quickly and
we'll try to slash a lot of the time delays where we ought to be doing
these things.

MAGYAR FORUM -  1993. februar 18.

			     Ki kicsoda ?

 Nyomul a tragarsag a Radiokabareban is. "Nagy sz..ban vagyunk-e?" - kerdezi
ily kozvetlenul a magat mindig gondosan ontomjenezo konferanszie, mintegy
slusszpoenkent a publikumtol. S zudul ra a studioszalagrol a mutaps es
murohoges.

 Ahogy ezt meg a Nagy Tanitomester, Aczel Gyorgy sem vetette meg, merthogy ily
modon abbol lehetett "viccet" csinalni, amibol e szellemi loveszaroklakok csak
akartak.

 Mint peldaul febr. 4-en, mikor is azt kerdezi a '93-ra is gondosan attelepult
Illetekes Elvtars - persze "poenkent" -:"Tessedik ? Az meg kicsoda?

 Lehet, hogy a Brody Sandor utcai, ugynevezett kozradio szellemi horizontjara
nem kerult fel Tessedik Szamuel. A szarvasi evangelikus lelkesz, iro,
pedagogus, aki - a mult szazad elejen - gazdasagi iskolak alapitasaval,
mukodtetesevel, a korszeru vetesforgok, a gabonatermesztes, a meheszet, a
selyemhernyo-tenyesztes alapjainak megteremtesevel, az Alfold fellenditeseert
vegzett faradhatatlan munkassagaval orokre kierdemelte az utokor halajat.

 Akinek eletnagysagu, a szarvasi foteren allo, Luther-kabatos, reverendas
szobrahoz meg a legsotetebb Rakosi-idoben sem mert senki hozzanyulni.

 Ennyire valtoznak az idok? Nem. Csak rossz a kerdes. Nem az a kerdes ugyanis,
hogy Tessedik kicsoda, hanem hogy Onok kicsodak!

						-nyi
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Begepelte: Csorna Istvan